Wednesday, August 30, 2017

Would Impeaching Trump Truly Lead to Civil War? | The Resistance with Ke...

FOOD FOR THOUGHT FOR LIBERALS WHO WANT TO BE EFFECTIVE: PRIORITIZE

Mark Lilla, The Once and Future Liberal: After Identity Politics (New York: Harper, 2017) ("I conclude with some lessons that can be drawn from the history and analysis I have offered." "The first three have to do with priorities: the priority of institutional over movement politics; the priority of democratic persuasion over aimless self-expression; and the priority of citizenship over group or personal identity. The fourth has to do with the urgent need for civic education in an increasingly individualistic and atomized nation." Id. at 104.).

Monday, August 28, 2017

BRAM STOKER AND THE CREATION OF DRACULA

David J. Skal, Something in the Blood: The Untold Story of Bram Stoker, The Man Who Wrote Dracula (New York & London: Liveright, 2016) (From the book jacket: "First published in 1897, Dracula has has a long and multifaceted afterlife--one rivaling even its immortal creation; yet Bram Stoker has remained a hovering specter in this pervasive mythology. In Something in the Blood, David J. Skal examines the inner world and strange genius of the writer who birthed an undying cultural icon, painting an astonishing portrait of the age in which Stoker was born--a time when death was no metaphor but a constant threat easily imagined as a character existing in flesh and blood.").

Saturday, August 26, 2017

CNN TONIGHT WITH DON LEMON 8/25/2017

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GEORGES PEREC

Georges Perec, "53 Days", edited by Harry Matthws & Jacques Roubaud, translated from the French by David Bellos (Boston: A Verba Mundi Book/David R. Godine, 2000).

Georges Perec, I Remember, introduced, translated from the French, annotated, edited and indexed  by Philip Terry & David Bellos (Boston: A Verba Mundi Book/David R. Godine, 2014).

Georges Perec, Life: A User's Manual, translated from the French by David Bellos (Boston: A Verba Mundi Book/David R. Godine, 1987).

Georges Perec, Species of Spaces and Other Pieces, edited and translated from the French by John Sturrock (New York: Penguin Classics/Penguin Books, 2008).

Georges Perec, Things: A Story of the Sixties, translated from the French by David Bellos; and A Man Asleep, translated from the French by Andrew Leak (Boston: A Verba Mundi Book/David R. Godine, 1990).

Georges Perec, Thoughts of Sorts, translated from the French by David Bellos (Boston: A Verba Mundi Book/David R. Godine, 2009).

Georges Perec, Three by Perec, translated from the French by Ian Monk, with introductions by David Bellos (Boston: A Verba Mundi Book/David R. Godine, 2004).

Georges Perec, W, or The Memory of Childhood, translated from the French by David Bellos (Boston: A Verba Mundi Book/David R. Godine, 1988).

Friday, August 25, 2017

MULTICULTURAL AND MULTICULTURALISM IN EUROPE

Rita Chin, The Crisis of Multiculturalism in Europe: A History (Princeton & Oxford: Princeton U. Press, 2017) ("Treating immigration as a longer postwar story enables us to see that the variegated patterns of response to newcomers have not just pushed in a linear direction. Instead, the trajectories of public debate and policy making indicate that European reactions to non-European migrants vacillated between different forms of openness and exclusion at different junctures. In the 1950s and 1960s, Western European nations typically welcomed those who arrived from their colonies, former colonies, and other foreign countries to help rebuild after the massive destruction of World War II. In this way, questions of immigration and ethnic diversity were always interwoven with the postwar economic boom that drove a quarter century of prosperity and affluence. While governmental authorities in certain countries worried about the long-term effects of ethnic and racial difference on their societies, most suppressed such concerns by focusing instead on the immediate economic benefits of foreign manpower or by insisting that guest workers would eventually return home. For much of the 1960s and 1970s, Britain, France, and Germany pursued distinctly different approaches to dealing with their multicultural societies. It was only around 1980, in fact, that all three openly acknowledged the massive social consequences of immigration and ethnic diversity. At virtually the same moment, though, each country also began to pursue a new politics of national belonging that was at least partially framed in relation to non-European settlers. With growing intensity, British, French, and German political leaders identified immigrants as bearers of alien cultures that now rendered them 'inassimilable' to the nation." Id. at 5-6. In short: moving from 'we want you because we need you' to 'we don't need you, therefore, we don't want you, therefore you are inassimilable'.).

Rita Chin, The Guest Worker Question in Postwar Germany (New York: Cambridge U. Press, 2007) ("This book provides the first English-Language history of the postwar labor migration to West Germany. . . Rita Chin offers an account of West German public debate about guest workers. She traces the historical and ideological shifts around the meanings of the labor migration, moving from the concept of guest workers as a 'temporary labor supplement' in the 1950s and 1960s to early ideas about 'multiculturalism' by the end of the 1980s. She argues that the efforts to come to terms with the permanent residence of guest workers, especially Muslim Turks, forced a major rethinking of German identity, culture, and nation. What began as a policy initiative to fuel the economic miracle ultimately became a much broader discussion about the parameters of a specifically German brand of multiculturalism." Id. at i.).

Rita Chin, Heide Fehrenbach, Geoff Eley, & Atina Grossmann, After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe (Ann Arbor: U. of Michigan Press, 2009) (From the back cover: "What happened to 'race thinking, and racial distinctions in Germany, and Europe more broadly, after the demise of the Nazi racial state? This book investigates the afterlife of 'race' since 1945 and the challenges the long-dominant assumption among historians that it disappeared from public discourse and policy-making with the defeat of the Third Reich and its genocidal European empire. Drawing on case studies of Afro-Germans, Jews, and Turks--arguably the three most important minority communities in postwar Germany--the authors detail continuities and change across the 1945 divide and offer the beginnings of a history of race and racialization after Hitler. A final chapter moves beyond the German context to consider the postwar engagement with 'race' in France, Britain, Sweden, and the Netherlands, where waves of postwar, postcolonial, and labor migration troubled nativist notions of national and European identity." "After the Nazi Racial State poses interpretative questions for the historical understanding of postwar societies and democratic transformation, both in Germany and throughout Europe. It elucidates key analytical categories, historicizes current discourse, and demonstrates how contemporary debates about immigration and integration00and about how much 'difference' a democracy can accommodate--are implicated in a longer history of 'race/' This book explores why the concept of 'race; became taboo as a tool for understanding the German society after 1945. Most crucially, it suggests the social and epistemic consequences of this determined retreat form 'are; for Germany and Europe as a whole.")

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Tuesday, August 22, 2017

The Trump Resignation End-Game? | The Resistance with Keith Olbermann | GQ

Donald Trump Takes Familiar Line On Afghanistan | Rachel Maddow | MSNBC

Lawrence: Donald Trump Announced He Won’t Announce Troop Increase | The ...

IS DEMOCRACY POSSIBLE IN THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN?

Misagh Parsa, Democracy in Iran: Why It Failed and How It Might Succeed (Cambridge, Massachusetts, & London, England: Harvard U. Press, 2016) ("This book seeks to answer a question that has challenged theories of democratization: what factors determine whether democratization is more likely to be achieved through reform or revolution? It proposes a new framework for analyzing paths to democracy by specifying the relevant structural and process-related variables based on developments in other Asian and Middle Eastern countries. The framework is based on a comparative perspective that explains why South Korea succeeded in democratizing through reform, whereas others--such as the Philippines, Indonesia, Tunisia, an Egypt--could not achieve democracy without ousting their rulers. The framework applies the model to the Islamic Republic of Iran and illustrates alternative routes to democratization, with insights from other developing countries." "The Islamic Republic of Iran has certain exceptional ideological features and a unique political system but shares a number of economic and political characteristics and challenges with other developing countries, making it an intriguing case for this analysis. The book examines Iran's political conflicts and democratization struggles during the recent decades, explains the course of their failure, and proposes the likely route to democracy. The model suggests that the Islamic Republic is highly unlikely to democratize through political reform. The theocracy rescinded the civil liberties Iranian enjoyed before the revolution. The Islamic Republic's rulers failed to fulfill the revolutionary promises and generated multiple, irreconcilable contradictions and conflicts. These conflicts undermined support for the Islamic Republic and produced active and passive resistance among Iranians against the theocracy. Thus far, the Islamic regime has been unable to suppress Iranians' struggles for democratic rights. The Islamic Republic's intransigence and endless repression are highly likely to pave the way for a disruptive, revolutionary path to democracy." Id. at ix-x.).

Saturday, August 19, 2017

"& MY INNARDS CHURN"

          "Don't let the fascists speak."
          "We want to hear what they have to say."
          "Keep them out of the classroom."
          "Everybody is entitled to freedom of speech."

I am a child of america
a step child
         raised in the back room
yet taught
         taught how toast
in her front room.
my mind jumps
the voices of students
screaming
insults           threats
"Let the Nazis speak"
"Let the Nazis speak"
Everyone is entitled
         to speak
I sit a greasy-legged
         Black child
in a Black part of town
look to the Black teacher
the Bill of Rights
        guarantees
us all the right
        my mind
remembers      chants
article I           article I
& my innards churn
they remember
the Black teacher
in the Black school
in the Black part
of the very white town
who stopped us
when we attacked
the upper principal
the white Board
of mis-Education
cast-off books
illustrated with
cartoons &
words of wisdom
written by white
children in the
other part of town
missing pages
caricatures
of hanging niggers--
the bill of rights
was written to
         protect
              us

my mind remembers
& my innards churn
conjures images
          police
break up
illegal demonstrations
illegal assemblies
          conjure images
of a Black Panther
"if tricky Dick
tries to stop us
we'll stop him"
conjure image
of that same Black man
going to jail
for threatening
the life of
         THE PRESIDENT
every citizen
is entitled to
freedom of speech
my mind remembers
& my innards churn
conjure images
of homosexuals in camps
of socialists in camps
"Let the Nazis speak"
"Let the Nazis speak"
        faces in a college
            classroom
"You're being a fascist too."
"We want to hear what
they have to say"

        faces in
a college classroom
young white faces
        speak let them speak
speak let them speak
Blacks, jews some whites
seize the bullhorn
We don't want to hear
 your socialist rhetoric"
         socialist rhetoric
         survival
                       rhetoric
the supreme court
says it is illegal
to scream fire
in a crowded theater
to scream fire
in a crowed theater
causes people to panic
to run to hurt each other
my mind remembers
& now i know
what my innards
        say
illegal to cause
        people
to panic
to run
to hurt
there is
no contradiction
what the nazis say
will cause
         people 
         to
         ME.

From Pat Parker, The Complete Works of Pat Parker (Sapphic Classics), edited by Julie R. Enszer, introduction by Judy Grahn (Brooklyn, NY: A Midsummer Night's Press; Dover. FL: Sinister Wisdom, 2016), pp. 71-74.

Friday, August 18, 2017

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LAYLI LONG SOLDIER

Layli Long Soldier, Whereas: Poems (Minneapolis, MN: Graywolf Press, 2017) ("Introduction: On Saturday, December 19, 2009, US President Barack Obama signed the Congressional Resolution of Apology to native Americans. No tribal leaders or official representatives were invited to witness and receive the Apology on behalf of tribal nations. President Obama never read the Apology aloud, publicly--although, for the record, Senator Sam Brownback five months later read the Apology to a gathering of five tribal leaders, though there are more than 560 federally recognized tribes in the US. The Apology was then folded into a larger, unrelated piece of legislation called the 2010 Defense Appropriation Act." "My response is directed to the Apology's delivery, as well as the language, crafting, and arrangement of the written document. I am a citizen of the United States and an enrolled member of the Oglala Sioux Tribe, meaning I am a citizen of the Oglala Lakota Nation--and in this dual citizenship, I must work, I must eat, I must art, I must mother, I must friend, I must listen, I must observe, constantly I must live." Id. at 57.).

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Thursday, August 17, 2017

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African American Republicans Tried To Reach WH, J.C. Watts Says | MTP Da...

Ali Velshi and Stephanie Ruhle Interview with Brad Thomas GOES OFF THE R...

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ROBERT PINSKY

Robert Pinsky, At the Foundling Hospital: Poems (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2016) (From the book jacket: "Robert Pinsky has written a bold, lyrical meditation on identity and culture as hybrid and fluid, violent as well  as creative: the enigmatic, maybe universal, condition of the foundling. At the Foundling Hospital considers the foundling soul: its need to be adopted, and its need to be adaptive. These poems reimagine identity on the scale of one life or of human history: from 'the emanation of a dead star still alive' to the 'pinhole iris of your eye.'  "What is a particular person? How unique? What is anyone born as? Born with? Born into? The poems of Robert Pinsky's At the Foundling Hospital engage personality and culture as improvised from loss: a creative effort so pervasive it can be invisible.").

Wednesday, August 16, 2017

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WHITE REACTIONARY POPULISM HAS A LONG HISTORY

Nancy MacLean, Behind the Mask: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan (New York & Oxford: Oxford U. Press, 1994) ("This study aims to demonstrate the basic consistency of [Klansmen's] motives and positions. The source of their consistency was a world view and politics best characterized, in my view, as reactionary populism. In it, the anti-elitism characteristic of populism joined with eh commitment to enforce the subordination of a whole group pf people. The appeal of this politics was rooted deep within American society and culture: in the legions of middle-class white men who felt trapped between capital and labor and int eh political culture they inherited from their forebears. Fearful for the future, Klan leaders drew from the wellsprings of American politics to fashion an ideology that would enable them to hold on to their basic values, make sense of rapidly changing dial relations, and fend off challenges to their power, They drew from classical liberalism their ideas about economics, and from republicanism their notion of citizenship and the commonweal, in particular its long exclusion form the right to participate in political affairs of economic dependents--whether slaves, free women and children, or property-less men. The synthesis Klan leader fashioned extended and modified, but no means contradicted, values widely held in American society, It proved compelling enough to attract millions." "This book describes that synthesis and explains its appeal." Id. at xiii-xv. The more things change, the more reactionary attitudes remain the same! One needs to study the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s to fully understand the roots of white supremacy in twenty-first-century America, in Trump's America.).

FOOD FOR THOUGHT



Photo

White supremacists leading a torch march at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville, Va., on Friday night.CreditEdu Bayer for The New York Times 

This dirty Jew remembers every penny thrown at him.
The ones thrown from above, as we waited to be picked up from the public pool in my hometown on Long Island, our yarmulkes pinned to wet hair. By then, I was big enough to feel shame for the younger kids, who knew no better than to scurry around, as our local anti-Semites laughed.
I remember walking home from synagogue at my father’s side, in our suits and ties, and seeing a neighbor boy crawling on his hands and knees, surrounded by bullies, this time picking up pennies by force. I remember my father rushing in and righting the boy, and sending those kids scattering.
I remember when, at that same corner, on a different day, those budding neo-Nazis surrounded my sister, and I raced home for help. I remember my parents running back, and my father and mother (all five feet of her) confronting the parents of one of the boys, who then gave him a winking, Trumpian chiding for behavior they didn’t care to condemn. Even if it’s “kids with horns,” they told their son, he should leave other children alone.
I’ll never forget the shame of it. Nor any of the other affronts, from the swastika shaving-creamed on our front door on Halloween to the kid on his bike yelling, “Hitler should have finished you all.” I remember every fistfight, every broken window, every catcall and curse. I remember them because each made me — a fifth-generation American — feel unsafe and unwelcome in my own home, just as was intended.
I could, likewise, catalog every tough-Jew story of victory in the face of hatred. My favorite still: that of my bull-necked great-grandfather who worked for the railroads, who in response to the guy on the next barstool saying that there were “too many Jews” in the place, knocked the bum out with a single punch, without getting up from his perch.
But my great-grandfather is history. My childhood is history.
I live in Brooklyn now, where my father grew up. It was here, after watching people cheer Barack Obama’s victory in the streets, after gay marriage became legal nationwide and after other evolutionary steps, that I was finally able to embrace the past as the past and look at our collective present in a new light.
Secular now, I watch the younger religious Jews in awe. They don’t slip their yarmulkes into their pockets out of fear. It hit me at, of all places, a Nets game. I was amazed by all the yarmulkes in the crowd, and the boys beneath them eating hot dogs from — who would have believed it — kosher concession stands.
In a New York sports tradition, one of them was mouthing off at anyone and everyone who was rooting for the visiting team. I watched him razzing people, opening his mouth without thinking he’d be beaten to a pulp for drawing attention to himself. But no one said a single non-basketball-related, Jew-hating word.
I can’t tell you how much pride I took in that moment, the same syrupy pride I take when sitting on a subway car where no two faces, no two histories, seem alike, and feeling nothing but minding-our-own-business good will I felt the same watching all our children in the park, knowing that they must recognize difference but see nothing in it to fear. How great it must be, I thought, to grow up in that America, a place still flawed but striving to do better.
I understood that, in my 40s, I was already part of history. That certain things I knew didn’t need to be known anymore.
And yet, in seven months of this presidency, in one single day in Charlottesville, Va., all of that is lost. A generation, and so much more, stolen away. There is the trauma of those assaulted by Nazis on American soil and the tragedy that is Heather Heyer’s murder that belongs to her and her family alone. And then there is what all the rest of us share — the pain and violence and the lessons we draw from them. Because the children who witness a day like that, and a president like this, will not forget the fear and disrespect tailored to the black child, the Muslim child, the Jewish child.
They will not forget the assault rifles that this government puts in these violent men’s hands, nor the chants that black lives don’t matter and that the Jews will not replace them — just as I will never not hear what that kid on the bike screamed or stop seeing my father helping a boy, crawling for pennies, off his knees.
While harking back to my pious, head-covered days, I am reminded of a notion that our rabbis taught us: The theft of time is a crime like any other. Back then it was about interrupting class — one minute wasted was a minute of learning lost. But multiply that minute by everyone in the room, and it became 15, 20 minutes, half an hour’s worth of knowledge that none of us could ever get back.
Saturday in Charlottesville was just one day, but think of that one day multiplied by all of us, across this great country. Think of the size of that setback, the assault on empathy, the divisiveness and tiki-torched terror multiplied by every single citizen of this nation. It may as well be millions of years of dignity, of civility, of progress lost.
Just from that one day.

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